Thursday, November 28, 2019

Csaca Essays - TimedTextLa-mort-du-disque.ogg.en.srt,

Csaca I can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowvvI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowvvI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowvI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take yo u woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI can take you up i can take you home, i can take you woah where you wanna go i can pick it up we can take it slowI

Monday, November 25, 2019

Fidel Castro Biographical Profile

Fidel Castro Biographical Profile Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz (1926–2016) was a Cuban lawyer, revolutionary, and politician. He was the central figure in the Cuban Revolution (1956-1959), which removed dictator Fulgencio Batista from power and replaced him with a communist regime friendly to the Soviet Union. For decades, he defied the United States, which tried to assassinate or replace him countless times. A controversial figure, many Cubans consider him a monster who destroyed Cuba, while others consider him a visionary who saved their nation from the horrors of capitalism. Early Years Fidel Castro was one of the  several illegitimate children born to middle-class sugar farmer Angel Castro y Argà ­z and his household maid, Lina Ruz Gonzlez. Castro’s father eventually divorced his wife and married Lina, but young Fidel still grew up with the stigma of being illegitimate. He was given his fathers last name at age 17 and had the benefits of being raised in a wealthy household. He was a talented student, educated at Jesuit boarding schools, and decided to pursue a career in law, entering the University of Havana Law School in 1945. While in school, he became increasingly involved in politics, joining the Orthodox Party, which was in favor of drastic government reform to reduce corruption. Personal Life Castro married Mirta  Dà ­az Balart in 1948. She came from a wealthy and politically-connected family. They had one child and divorced in 1955. Later in life, he married Dalia Soto del Valle in 1980 and had five more children. He had several other children outside of his marriages, including Alina Fernndez, who escaped Cuba to Spain using false papers and then lived in Miami where she criticized the Cuban government. Revolution Brewing in Cuba When Batista, who had been president in the early 1940s, abruptly seized power in 1952, Castro became even more politicized. Castro, as a lawyer, tried to mount a legal challenge to Batista’s reign, demonstrating that the Cuban Constitution had been violated by his power grab. When Cuban courts refused to hear the petition, Castro decided that legal assaults on Batista would never work: if he wanted change, he would have to use other means. Attack on the Moncada Barracks The charismatic Castro began drawing converts to his cause, including his brother Raà ºl. Together, they acquired weapons and began organizing an assault on the military barracks at Moncada. They attacked on July 26, 1953, the day after a festival, hoping to catch the soldiers still drunk or hung over. Once the barracks were captured, there would be enough weapons to mount a full-scale insurgency. Unfortunately for Castro, the attack failed: most of the 160 or so rebels were killed, either in the initial assault or in government prisons later. Fidel and his brother Raul were captured. History Will Absolve Me Castro led his own defense, using his public trial as a platform to bring his argument to the people of Cuba. He wrote an impassioned defense for his actions and smuggled it out of prison. While on trial, he uttered his famous slogan: â€Å"History will absolve me.† He was sentenced to death, but when the death penalty was abolished, his sentence was changed to 15 years imprisonment. In 1955, Batista came under increasing political pressure to reform his dictatorship, and he freed a number of political prisoners, including Castro. Mexico The newly-freed Castro went to Mexico, where he made contact with other Cuban exiles eager to overthrow Batista. He founded the 26th of July Movement and began making plans for a return to Cuba. While in Mexico, he met Ernesto â€Å"Chà ©Ã¢â‚¬  Guevara and Camilo Cienfuegos, who were destined to play important roles in the Cuban Revolution. The rebels acquired weapons and trained and coordinated their return with fellow insurgents in Cuban cities. On November 25, 1956, 82 members of the movement boarded the yacht Granma and set sail for Cuba, arriving on December 2. Back in Cuba The Granma force was detected and ambushed, and many of the rebels were killed. Castro and the other leaders survived, however, and made it to the mountains in southern Cuba. They remained there for a while, attacking government forces and installations and organizing resistance cells in cities across Cuba. The movement slowly but surely gained in strength, especially as the dictatorship cracked down further on the populace. Castros Revolution Succeeds In May of 1958, Batista launched a massive campaign aimed at ending the rebellion once and for all. It backfired, however, as Castro and his forces scored a number of unlikely victories over Batista’s forces, which led to mass desertions in the army. By the end of 1958, the rebels were able to go on the offensive, and columns led by Castro, Cienfuegos and Guevara captured major towns. On January 1, 1959, Batista spooked and fled the country. On January 8, 1959, Castro and his men marched into Havana in triumph. Cubas Communist Regime Castro soon implemented a Soviet-style communist regime in Cuba, much to the dismay of the United States. This led to decades of conflict between Cuba and the USA, including such incidents as the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Bay of Pigs invasion and the Mariel boatlift. Castro survived countless assassination attempts, some of them crude, some quite clever. Cuba was placed under an economic embargo, which had serious effects on the Cuban economy. In February of 2008 Castro resigned from duties as President, although he remained active in the communist party. He died on November 25, 2016, at the age of 90. Legacy Fidel Castro and the Cuban Revolution have had a profound effect on worldwide politics since 1959. His revolution inspired many attempts at imitation and revolutions broke out in nations such as Nicaragua, El Salvador, Bolivia and more. In southern South America, a whole crop of insurgencies sprang up in the 1960s and 1970s, including the Tupamaros in Uruguay, the MIR in Chile and the Montoneros in Argentina, just to name a few. Operation Condor, a collaboration of military governments in South America, was organized to destroy these groups, all of which hoped to incite the next Cuban-style Revolution in their home nations. Cuba aided many of these insurgent groups with weapons and training. While some were inspired by Castro and his revolution, others were aghast. Many politicians in the United States saw the Cuban Revolution as a dangerous â€Å"toehold† for communism in the Americas, and billions of dollars were spent propping up right-wing governments in places like Chile and Guatemala. Dictators such as Chile’s Augusto Pinochet were gross violators of human rights in their countries, but they were effective in keeping Cuban-style revolutions from taking over. Many Cubans, particularly those in the middle and upper classes, fled Cuba shortly after the revolution. These Cuban emigrants generally despise Castro and his revolution. Many fled because they feared the crackdown that followed Castro’s conversion of the Cuban state and economy to communism. As part of the transition to communism, many private companies and lands were confiscated by the government. Over the years, Castro maintained his grip on Cuban politics. He never gave up on communism even after the fall of the Soviet Union, which supported Cuba with money and food for decades. Cuba is a genuine communist state where the people share labor and rewards, but it has come at the cost of privation, corruption, and repression. Many Cubans fled the nation, many taking to the sea in leaky rafts hoping to make it to Florida. Castro once uttered the famous phrase: â€Å"History will absolve me.† The jury is still out on Fidel Castro, and history may absolve him and may curse him. Either way, what is certain is that history will not forget him anytime soon. Sources: Castaà ±eda, Jorge C. Compaà ±ero: the Life and Death of Che Guevara.  New York: Vintage Books, 1997. Coltman, Leycester. The Real Fidel Castro. New Haven and London: the Yale University Press, 2003.

Thursday, November 21, 2019

A favorite item of clothing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

A favorite item of clothing - Essay Example The large interior feels roomy and comfortable. The heaviness of the jacket on my shoulders reminds me I am wearing leather. Coolness meets my hands as I deposit treasures in my inner pockets. My outer pockets can feel light or heavy, depending on the items placed there. The whole jacket feels familiar, comfortable, and unique to me. As black as night without a moon, the leather is so dark it seems to reflect the light. The darkness is so black. The ebony color of my jacket reflects light, showing a white light bouncing off my jacket under direct artificial light. The only true way to appreciate the jacket’s true color is in natural light. Raven black covers the whole jacket, except for the zippers, buttons, and other sliver accessories. The silver twinkles in the sunlight. However, in artificial light the metallic twinkle is muted, depending on how close to the light I get. My leather jacket might look like any other leather jacket to the casual observer, but I would be able to pick my jacket out of a multitude of jackets. The arms are symmetrical like every other jacket, but the body is slightly longer than your average coat. Deep creases form in the arms of the jacket that match my arm bends and shape. The round buttons look like they came from button fly jeans. The round silver hoops hang off my jacket like earrings on a pretty girl. The pockets are creased from my cell phone, keys, and money placed there daily. My jacket is unique to myself, if not to others. The smell of my jacket is faintly leathery. Since it is an old jacket, the leather smell has faded over the years. If I use oil on the ancient leather, the smell becomes stronger. The strong leather smell is heady, but I prefer the faint leather smell. The faint leather smell reminds me of the warmth, security, and familiarity my jacket has provided me with over the years. Even after put up for the winter, the familiar smell beckons me

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

US criminal justice Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

US criminal justice - Essay Example Before going into the discussion regarding affect of one’s opinion about the purpose of sentencing on selecting the most appropriate type of punishment, let us get a better understanding of what sentencing actually is.Sentencing is a stage in criminal justice system in which a judge decides a punishment for a criminal. The purpose of sentencing plays a very critical role in deciding the most suitable type of punishment because it makes a judge decide whether to satisfy the victim or to punish the offender according to the law. The judges, however, can make the decision on their own in a very few situations because they have to look at the punishment which is set in the law for any specific crime. The way the juries make a decision against criminals has been continuously changing with time (Renter). For some crimes, there are laws, which apply fines and banishment for the criminals whereas for some crimes, there are very harsh punishments set for the criminals. â€Å"Today the re are many things the criminal justice system aims to do by imposing punishments and sentences† (Renter). One’s belief in the purpose of sentencing plays a crucial role in reducing the crime rate from a country. In the US criminal justice system, the aim of the judges is to reduce the crime by sentencing the criminals on merit. The goal should be to make the criminals refrain from crimes by giving law-based punishments to the criminals. Some judges believe that sentencing should be a way to stop the criminals from committing crimes by giving harsh punishments to the criminals whereas others believe that sentencing should also involve will of the victims in order to satisfy the victims properly. Therefore, one’s belief about the purpose of sentencing plays a critical role in deciding appropriate punishments for the criminals. Answer: No: 2 Some of the most famous sentencing models in the United States include indeterminate sentencing, determinate sentencing, and mandatory sentencing. Indeterminate Sentencing In indeterminate sentencing, the judges state a minimum and maximum length of imprisonment for the criminals depending on the nature of the crime committed by them. It is the most widely used sentencing model in the United States of America (Siegal 498). The minimum time of imprisonment is must for all criminals whereas the maximum time depends on some specific circumstances. The model gives power to the judges to decide the number of years for the imprisonment of the criminal by providing the judges with both limits for the years of imprisonment. Indeterminate sentencing provides range and flexibility to the judges by giving them the power to decide the appropriate duration for imprisonment of the criminals. Determinate Sentencing Determinate sentences are fixed terms of incarceration in which the offender has to spend a specific number of years in the prison. In determinate sentencing, there is a set of guidelines for the judges that define the parameters to be followed while deciding the sentences. For rehabilitation purposes, determinate sentencing model is too restrictive as compared to indeterminate sentencing. A good thing about the determinate sentencing model is that the offender keeps in mind the punishment for any specific crime and hesitates to commit the crime and go back to jail for anther term of imprisonment. Mandatory Sentencing Another type of sentencing model is mandatory sentencing in which a judge has to give a mandatory punishment to the criminal because in this model of sentencing, a judge has little or no control over the punishment set for any specific crime. Mandatory sentencing restricts sentencing disparity and limits individualized sentencing by limiting the discretionary power of the judges to impose any kind of disposition. Mandatory sentencing has helped the government of the United States reduce the overall number of crimes by incarcerating the offenders who might have

Monday, November 18, 2019

Web Sites. The Web development methods Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Web Sites. The Web development methods - Essay Example As Taylor writes, "Over the years, web sites have become quite a phenomenal and developers are developing web sites using an ad hoc approach, which is causing problems. Developing efficient web sites requires meeting user needs by producing high quality web sites. One way of solving the problems developers are having is by developing a web development process for developers to use." (Taylor, n.d.)The web development methods include a process that describes the steps to follow during development of web sites. The web site development process is driven by use cases that are created based on user requirements, that's why it's so important to build up comprehensive user requirements. As Tran writes, "Requirements and specifications are very important components in the development of any embedded system. Requirements analysis is the first step in the system design process, where a user's requirements should be clarified and documented to generate the corresponding specifications." (Tran, 1999)According to Kaner et al. cited in Sisson (2002), "A requirement is an objective that must be met. Planners cast most requirements in functional terms, leaving design and implementation details to the developers. They may specify price, performance, and reliability objectives in fine detail, along with some aspects of the user interface. Sometimes, they describe their objectives more precisely than realistically." Website projects are usually done on tight schedules, with limited resources, and without a well-defined approach for achieving usability. For many developers it's easy to dismiss usability methods as an unnecessary overhead cost. But usability methods can be integrated efficiently and effectively into each stage of the website design process. Employing this process, and by using forms, checklists, and other tools to improve communication and workflow, website projects can be managed successfully achieving a highly-usable product. (Gergle, Brinck, Wood 1999) One very useful technique for implementing usable website requirements described by Rhodes (2006) is Pareto Principle. He writes, "Usability provides another benefit to product teams. It is very likely that you have one or more people on the team who live and die by the Pareto Principle. Everything is defined in terms of the 80/20 rule, where the majority of issues seem to stem from a small fraction of items. Similarly, most of the value seems to come from just a few features or functions." Various literature (Bolchini and Randazzo 2005; Tran, 1999; Cockburn, 2000; Courage, Baxter, 2004; Lauesen, 2002) mention 3 phases of user requirements life-cycle in web site development: Requirements Identification, Requirements Analysis and Requirements Definition/Specification. Requirements Identification Requirements Identification is the requirements engineering task during which raw new potential requirements are identified. The typical responsibilities of Requirements Identification are to: Identify the desires, potential needs, and expectations of the application's stakeholders. Transform these desires, potential needs and expectations into potential new raw (unanalyzed) requirements. (Cockburn, 2000; Lauesen, 2002) Requirements identification typically involves the requirements team performing the following steps: Identify possible sources of requirements, such as stakeholders, experts, reusable requirements and requirements specifications, documentation, etc. Interview customer representatives, user representatives, domain experts, marketing personnel, and user support agents. Observe representative users at work. Informally identify and capture the resulting potential requirements. (Cockburn, 2000; Lauesen, 2002) Requirements identification for website development can typically be performed using the following techniques: Website Studies. Reverse engineer requirements from legacy websites, competing websites, similar websites, and website databases. Textual analysis of websites (e.g., noun/verb for object/operation, shall/must/will for

Friday, November 15, 2019

Role Of Media In Peace Building

Role Of Media In Peace Building History has shown that the media can incite people toward violence. Hitler used the media to create an entire worldview of hatred for Jews, homosexuals, and other minority groups. Rwandas radio RTLM urged listeners to pick up machetes and take to the streets to kill what they called the cockroaches. Broadcasters in the Balkans polarized local communities to the point where violence became an acceptable tool for addressing grievances. The medias impact on the escalation of conflict is more widely recognized than the medias impact on peace-building. Yet it is not uncommon to hear experts pronounce that the medias impact on peace-building must be significant given its powerful impact on conflict. However, this simple relationship must not be taken for granted and should be critically examined in order to most effectively use the media for conflict prevention and peace-building (Wolfsfeld, 2004, p.15) In the last six decades, the influence of the media in the global arena has increasingly been recognized, especially its power to either exacerbate or contain potential conflicts. Indeed it is worth noting that among the defendants during the Nuremburg trials which were constituted by the allied forces following the defeat of the Germany and her allies immediately after the second world war was one Julius Streicher who although never held any official position within the Nazi party hierarchy, was considered to be among the top individuals who bore the greatest responsibility for the holocaust that killed more than six million Jews (Source). For close to twenty five years, Streicher had educated the Germany people in hatred and incited them to the persecution and the extermination of the Jewish race. The propaganda which Streicher carried for close to twenty five years was chiefly done through the medium of his newspaper as the editor of the Der Stuemer and later several other provinc ial journals (Source). As early as the 17th century, Edmund Burke had coined the term the fourth estate, to demonstrate the growing power of the media in periods when power and influence was concentrated in hands of only three classes of society (Source). Although it is still debatable as who was the first to use the word, Burke is said to have remarked that there were estates in Parliament, but in the reporters gallery yonder, there sat the fourth estate more important than four than they all. He was making reference to the traditional three estates of Parliament: The Lords spiritual, the Lords temporal and the Commons (Source). In the last 50 years the media influence has grown exponentially with the advance of technology, first there was the telegraph, then the radio, the newspaper, magazines, television and now the internet. Many people are today fully dependent on the information and communication to keep moving in the right direction and their daily activities like work, entertainment, healthcare, education, personal relationships, traveling are greatly controlled by what they read, hear and see. New communications technologies such as mobile/video phones and laptop computers are allowing journalists to gather and disseminate information with ease from many parts of the world. The digitization of the news industry, which has led to a compression of time and space, means we see news images of demonstrations, riots or coups within minutes of these occurring in the streets. These images not only inform global audiences, but may instigate further campaigns of violence at home. Commercial realities of news gathering have also affected the reporting of conflicts. The higher cost of news gathering in remote regions, coupled with the geopolitical and economic priorities of the West, mean that conflicts occurring at close proximity to the metropolitan centers receive coverage at the expense of those occurring further away in less developed regions of the world. A study of conflict reporting in the worlds major news outlets in 2000 shows that the Israel Palestine conflict was by far the most covered five times greater than the next most covered conflict (Hawkins, 2002) . Virgil Hawkins, the researcher who conducted the study, notes: By contrast, conflict in Africa, which has been, in the post-Cold-War world, is responsible for up to 90 percent of the worlds total war dead suffered an almost complete media blackout. Coverage of the massive war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), which caused in excess of one million deaths in the year 2000, was almost insignificant (p. 231). With the international news agenda controlled by the worlds major media giants, it has become crucial to develop and strengthen media at the local level to maintain diversity of opinion. As media in many developing nations, such as Kenya, move away from state control towards private enterprise, it is essential for local media to find their own voice and professional codes. A well developed media system with professionally trained journalists usually benefits both global and local audiences and provides a vital link to the outside world during conflict situations. The media is a double-edged sword. It can be a frightful weapon of violence when it propagates messages of intolerance or disinformation that manipulate public sentiment; but there is another aspect to the media, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦it can be an instrument of conflict resolution, when the information it presents is reliable, respects human rights, and represents diverse views. It is the kind of media that enables a society to mak e well-informed choices, which is the precursor of democratic governance. It is a media that reduces conflict and fosters human security (Source). Today, in every part of the world reliable, accurate and objective media, whether be it mainstream, alternative or traditional/non-conventional, can both help to prevent and resolve conflict through the automatic functions of responsibly disseminating information, furthering awareness and knowledge, promoting participatory and transparent governance, and addressing perceived grievances. In the same vein, inadvertently or overtly propagandistic media may equally fuel tensions and exacerbate conflicts, which in extreme cases like in Rwanda may directly result in genocide (source). 1.1 Background of the Study To argue that media does make a difference means rejecting the view that media are no more than mirrors of something else -consumer choices; elite interests, or reality itself (as in the positivist assertions by some journalists that they simply report the way it is). It is a commonplace to suggest that media provide their audiences with a map of the social and political world beyond their own immediate experience. From this observation about contemporary complex society, flow other notions of media power: agenda setting (media capacity to focus public attention on some events and issues, and away from others); the spiral of silence (the withering of issues and perspectives ignored by media); priming (media ability to influence citizens criteria of political evaluation); cultivation (the gradual adoption of beliefs about the social world that correspond to televisions selective picture of the world), framing, and the ideological effect (the production of meaning in the service of dom ination) (Hackett Carroll, 2006, p.30-31). A less frequently considered but equally pertinent dimension of media influence is their relationship with anti-war movements. Within reasonably democratic states, and in the absence of elite discord, such movements may be the most important buffer within civil society against war. The movement/media relationship is asymmetrical: movements need media (to mobilize support, validate their political existence, and attract new supporters) far more than vice versa (Gamson Wolfsfeld 1993). Media play contradictory but important roles at every stage of their trajectory; their emergence, organizational self-maintenance, and success; when political and foreign policy elites are united around a war policy, dominant media are likely to trivialize or demonize anti-war dissent (Gitlin 1980; Hackett 1991). In the context specifically of war, some scholars see an intensification of media agenda-setting with the advent of real-time, 24-hour, globally distributed television news -most iconically Ber nard Shaws and Peter Arnetts reporting for Cable News Network (CNN) from Baghdad during the 1991 Gulf War. The so-called CNN effect allegedly highlights political uncertainty and incompetence, accelerates the pace at which politicians must respond to crises, and creates expectations and emotions that may force governments, against their initial inclinations, to intervene (or disengage) in conflict situations. The American humanitarian intervention in Somalia is often cited as an example (Spencer, 2005, p.24-38). According to Arnold (2005), the mass media contributed immensely to the propagation of US foreign policy agenda, couching imperial military actions in terms of humanitarian interventions undertaken to promote global freedom and democracy. This gave the US foreign policy the media attention cycle as there was competition among worldwide television and radio networks such as BBC, CNN, FOX TV and Channel 4 as who gets the right information first. This therefore, created huge demand for Western media even in non-western countries. In Africa, several efforts have been made to use the mass media to promote peace. For example, Radio for Peace-Building Africa (RFPA) is a program founded in 2003 by the international non-profit organization Search for Common Ground. The following are the countries in which RFPA is operated: Burundi, Central African Republic, Kenya, Liberia, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Togo, and Uganda. Working on the assumption that radio is the most accessible form of mass communication in Africa, RFPA trains journalists in peace-building, conflict resolution, and acting on commonalities. As stated in their achievements, 2010, RFPA has more than 3,000 members representing 100 countries, across Sub-Saharan Africa and beyond. They have carried out over 90 workshops and trained local radio station personnel (Radio for Peace-Building Africa, 2011). If the media have played an important role in breeding violence, it seems reasonable to examine the prospects of the reverse perspective-positive media contributions to ending violence and peace building in Kenya as a whole. Furthermore, if the media are usually found to support forces that lead to violent conflict, it can also be said that the media have the power to influence the activities that promote peace in the society. While media have been prominent contributors to every post-Cold War conflict (Prince and Thompson, 2002, Allen and Seaton, 1999), their role in post conflict peace-building and social development has not been apparent. Elsewhere however, recently there have been enough proves to accept the idea regarding the use of role that the media have played in peace-building. For instance, in Bosnia, Burundi, Cambodia, Croatia, Israel/Palestine, Macedonia, and Rwanda there are documented positive accomplishment of initiated projects of post-conflict recovery through the r ole of the media (McGoldrick, 2006). Also, over the past seven years, RFPA promoted peace in its areas of operation through levels of collaboration that it established between the government, media (TV stations and news papers) and civil society, increased the ability of radio stations to identify the underlying causes of war and conflict, increased the publics access to policy information, and used media to foster communication between policy makers and the civil society within that state, among other achievement (Radio for PeaceBuilding Africa: Achievements, 2012). 1.2 Problem Statement Literature on conflict and peace-building reveals a dismal focus on the role of the media in peace processes. Existing theory only tends to portray the media as essential in reporting and generating discourses on conflicts (Wolfsfeld, 2004; Watson, 2006; Bratic, 2006). Scholars of the post-election phenomenon in Kenya quickly conclude that, the crisis was a deeply rooted political and ethnic problem. Yet, the role of the media in the conflict, as well as its ability to mediate peace is not adequately tackled. In the East African region, Kenyan media like that in Rwanda has been scrutinized at the level of international law as a perpetrator of political violence. The post-2007 crisis serves as a good case to exemplify the process from conflict to peace-building. First, it illustrates the double role of the media as a constructive and destructive agent, and provides a link between media freedom and human rights. Secondly, this research explores challenges of media freedom within fragile democracies, where politics, poverty and ethnic differences can influence the media agenda. While the use of hate speech in the media is not discounted, this project will not focus on the subject as a whole, but draw examples to examine arguments. This thesis does not discuss ethnicity as a theory, but rather uses the term ethnic violence, a theme applied to describe political and ethnic tensions in Kenya (Hagg Kagwanja, 2007). The concept of ethnic violence has also been characterised as an element of civil or degenerate wars by several authors in recent years (Hanssen, 2000; Shaw, 2003; Kaldor, 2006). In recent times the effect of the mass media in shaping and forming the view of people especially the radio due to its accessibility, affordability and availability as compared to TV and computers (social networks e.g. Face book, Twitter, and YouTube) has contributed immensely to the development of a country. In the area of sport the mass media is promoting all kinds of sports especially football through constant publicity. As an emerging buoyant economic industry, the various media houses have established front desk for sports. Besides, they also have sports journalist who monitor, research and analyze sports related issues in the world, Africa and Kenya in particular. This has brought sports to the limelight of the media and given it a place in the media cycle. Inferring to the above and many achievements and contributions of the mass media in Kenya, it can be concluded that the mass media actually do assist in social improvements and building the ideals of the society. By systematically monitoring the performance of state institutions and reporting progress activities of the government, by guiding and dispensing of socialization, and by entertaining its audiences through interesting programmes. Against this background, many media houses have capacity building programmes to enhance public participation through phoning-in sessions. These programmes are also inspired by the need to improve and deepen governance and democracy. Notwithstanding, none or little concern has been given to programmes that are geared towards peace-building. It is for this reason that the researcher seeks to find out the role of the mass media in peace-building in Kenya. 1.3 Objectives of the Study The general objective of this research will be to explore the role the media has played in peace building among selected media houses in Kenya. The specific objectives of the research will be: To examine the activities of the media in peace-building. To find out whether the media has been successfully used to promote peace in Kenya. To assess the effects of the media on peace-building. To establish the measures that government, stakeholders and media houses have put in place towards peace-building. To make recommendations towards the use of the media in promoting and enhancing peace-building in Kenya. 1.4 Research Questions The following questions will serve as research questions to guide this research. What are the activities of the media in peace-building? How has the media been successfully used to promote peace in Kenya?. What are the effects of the media on peace-building? What measures has the government, stakeholders and media houses put in place towards peace-building? 1.5 Rationale for the Study The media is a double-edged sword. It can be a frightful weapon of violence when it propagates messages of intolerance or disinformation that manipulate public sentiment. But there is another aspect to the media. It can be an instrument of conflict resolution, when the information it presents is reliable, respects human rights, and represents diverse views. It is the kind of media that enables a society to make well-informed choices, which is the precursor of democratic governance. It is a media that reduces conflict and fosters human security. Today, in every part of the world, reliable, accurate and objective media, whether mainstream, alternative or non-conventional, can both help to prevent and resolve conflict through the automatic functions of responsibly disseminating information, furthering awareness and knowledge, promoting participatory and transparent governance, and addressing perceived grievances. In the same vein, inadvertently or overtly propagandistic media may equall y fuel tensions and exacerbate conflicts. This study aims at establishing the role of media in peace-building in Kenya. 1.6 Assumptions of the Study This study will be guided by the following assumptions: The media houses in Kenya have adopted acceptable practices in relation to peace-building reporting in their operations. The target audience from the population that will be selected will give a fair representation of the whole population under study. 1.7 Limitation of the Study Unexpected negative response from respondents due to the fact that they will be unwilling to give out sensitive organizational information. This will be delimited through counter-checking on secondary literature as well as desk-reviews. 1.8 Definition of Key Terms Capacity Building Capacity development is the process whereby individuals, groups, and organisations enhance their abilities to mobilize and use resources in order to achieve their objectives on a sustainable basis. Efforts to strengthen abilities of individuals, groups, and organisations can comprise a combination of (i) human skills development; (ii) changes in organisations and networks; and (iii) changes in governance/institutional context (ADB, 2004). Capacity building is a complex notion it involves individual and organisational learning which builds social capital and trust, develops knowledge, skills and attitudes and when successful creates an organisational culture which enables organisations to set objectives, achieve results, solve problems and create adaptive procedures which enable it to survive in the long term Ethnic violence In this study the term ethnic violence will be defined as a theme applied to describe political and ethnic tensions in Kenya (Hagg Kagwanja, 2007). Media The media refers to several mediums or channels used in an organized fashion to communicate information to groups of people, as a service to the public (Howard, 2002). In regard to this thesis, media is mainstream or independent (press, radio, television) in general. Peace Journalism According to Lynch and McGoldrick (2005) peace journalism is when editors and reporters make choices of what stories to report, and how to report them which create opportunities for society at large to consider and to value non-violent responses to conflict. Peace Journalism entails: Uses the insights of conflict analysis and transformation to update the concepts of balance, fairness and accuracy in reporting Provides a new route map tracing the connections between journalists, their sources, the stories they cover and the consequences of their journalism the ethics of journalistic intervention Builds an awareness of non-violence and creativity into the practical job of everyday editing and reporting (Lynch and McGoldrick 2005 p. 5). Peace Building The Carnegie Endowments Commission on the Prevention of Deadly Conflict (1997) defined peace-building as structural prevention which consists of the strategies to address the root causes of deadly conflict. Likewise, the Joint Utstein study of peace-building concludes that peace-building attempts to encourage the development of the structural conditions, attitudes, and modes of political behavior that may permit peaceful, stable and ultimately prosperous social and economic development. It states that there are four main headings related to peace-building: to provide security, to establish the socioeconomic foundations of long-term peace, to establish the political framework of long-term peace, and to generate reconciliation, a healing of the wounds of war and justice (Smith, 2003). These terms will be adopted in this study based but not limited to the above definitions. CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 The Kenyan Media: An Overview Kenya has a plural, sophisticated and robust mass media and communication sector that serve the various competing political, social, economic, cultural and technological needs of diverse interest groups. The sector has grown rapidly in the past 15 years because of a combination of factors including political and economic liberalization; and Kenyas strategic location as a regional and international economic and communication hub. Before 1992, the media scene was small, urban based and less independent owing to repressive media laws and regulation. Today, the media especially radio and television, reaches all urban centers and almost all rural communities. The broadcasting sub-sector is diverse, dynamic and competitive with substantial reach. There are about 14 TV and 113 radio stations in Kenya (Steadman Group, 2008). Radio is the number one source of information reaching almost 90 percent of the entire population followed by television reaching about 40 percent and newspapers (30 per cent). There are about 7.5 million radio sets (1.9 million in urban and 5.6 in rural areas) and 3.2 million TV sets in Kenya (1.4 million in urban and 1.8 in rural areas) in the country. There are about 16.7 radio listeners across the country with 12.4 million in rural and 4.4 million in towns (Steadman Group, 2008). Interesting developments in the broadcasting sector include the proliferation of FM stations broadcasting in over 21 ethnic languages out of 42 (CCK, 2008). The FM stations broadcasting in ethnic languages command about 30 percent of the market share today. Unfortunately, low professionalism characterizes most of these FM stations because they employ untrained and less experienced journalists. Satellite broadcasting is also thriving particularly among the upper and middle class in urban areas (Howard, 2008). Although the print media has a history of relative independence, it remains an urban phenomenon in Kenya. Kenya has 5 daily newspapers and over 10 weekly newspapers. The dominant newspapers are the Standard with a daily circulation of 80,000 -110,000; and Nation newspapers with a circulation of 100,000 120,000 (Mbeke Mshindi, 2008). The new media is also catching up in Kenya which boasts of 17.6 million mobile phone owners and 3.2 million internet users. There are over 1000 act ive blogs in Kenya. Safaricom, Kenyas number one mobile operator commands 70 percent of the market share and has over 16 million subscribers. Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC), the oldest and only public broadcaster, has the largest network of TV and radio stations across the country. KBC radio service, broadcasting in over 21 ethnic languages, is the only network in Kenya with the capacity to reach all audiences across the country. It also operates KBC TV. Royal Media Services, owned by media magnate S.K. Macharia, is the second largest media house in Kenya. It operates Citizen TV which has a national reach and several radio stations broadcasting in ethnic languages including Kikuyu (Inooro), Luo (Ramogi), Kamba (Musyi), Luhya (Mulembe) among others The Nation Media Group (NMG) is the largest media network in Kenya with interests in newspapers, magazines, TV and radio. It operates the Daily Nation, Sunday Nation, the Business Daily, the East African newspapers as well as the Tourist Guide, the Business Directory among other magazines (BBC Media Monitoring, 2007). NMG runs the NTV and QTV as well as Easy FM and QFM radi o stations both with a national reach. NMG is listed on the Nairobi Securities Exchange (NSE) with the Aga Khan as the key shareholder. The Standard Group (SG) owns the KTN Network, Kenyas first private TV station (1989) and the East African Standard Newspapers, the oldest newspapers having started in 1902. The SG is listed on the NSE with Baraza Limited, a company closely associated with the former President Daniel arap Moi and his close aide Joshua Kulei as the key shareholders. The people media group owns the People Daily several ethnic radio stations. It is associated with the Kenyatta family having bought it from Kenneth Matiba and the radio component from Rose Kimotho. Patrick Quarcco owns Kiss FM and several other FM station together Kiss TV and the Nairobi Star, a daily newspaper. Industrialist Chris Kirubi owns Capital Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) that runs CBC TV and Capital FM. Other media include STV formerly owned by professional journalist Hilary Ngweno. Kenya also has a strong faith-based broadcasting media including Hope FM, Radio Waumini owned by the Catholic Church; and Family TV and radio FM owne d by Leo Slingerland. A number of international news agencies and organizations operate from Nairobi, Kenya. These include the BBC, VOA, Duetsche Welle, Radio France, Radio China, Al Jazeera and CNN. While the press covers mainly politics and economic issues, the broadcasting stations in Kenya are characterized by heavy music and light entertainment programming lazed with interactive talk shows on politics and current affairs. Kenyans have continuously voted the media as the most trusted and influential institution even as they continue to express their reservations over other government institutions like the legislature and the executive. According to BBC, the Kenyan media is one of the most respected, thriving, sophisticated and innovative in Africa. Compared to other African countries, Kenya has in the recent past enjoyed a robust economic growth which in turn has supported one of the most dynamic advertising markets on the continent and a population which consumes news and information voraciously. In turn, this market has supported an explosion in media over recent years. This is a relatively recent phenomenon. While an independent media tradition in Kenya is a long one, it was only in 1992 that the media bloomed to become the thriving industry it is today. Until then, the suppression of media freedom by the then KANU government, a stagnant economy and the continued monopolization of the airwaves by the governments Voice of Kenya (now Kenya Broadcasting Corporation), meant that independent media outlets were few and confined mostly to elites. Over a period of 15 years, this increasingly assertive and self-confident media has played a substantial role in mediating relationships between citizens and state, in shaping the democratic dispensation in the country, and has transformed utterly how some of the most marginalized in society access information on issues that shape their lives. Kenyan citizens have become increasingly reliant on the media for such information, investing in it with greater credibility than almost any other source of information. For most of this period, the media has been seen nationally and internationally as a principal indicator of the democratic vitality of Kenya. Media has been at the forefront of moves to transform Kenya from one party state to multiparty democracy; it has gained a reputation for exposing corruption and acting as a vigorous forum for public debate; it is seen as a guardian of the public interest against an overbearing state power. 2.2 The Activities of the Media in Peace-Building While large scale or world war has been avoided, continual civil conflicts have not been avoided i.e., the conflicts in Ivory Coast, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Congo, Somalia. At the same time, peaceful resolution of conflicts that have major potential for civil conflicts: the transitions in South Africa, in Central and Eastern Africa have been witnessed. Therefore, peaceful resolution of national-civil conflicts is in a great part a communication process. That is; a concept of communication that channels civil conflict away from open war in to what is called cultural negotiation (White, 1990, p.22-23). The media can provide information directly to citizens regarding major events of importance for decision -making so that citizens can take action and influence the structure of decision-making. What is expected is a narrative reconstruction of events which reveals the source of the problem, the persons who are responsible and why, and what emerge finally as the solution. The media are the forum for the expression of public opinion and enable the public and public officials to chart the general public opinion regarding the state of public affairs. The mirroring of public opinion enables the public to know what people are expecting and whether representative governments are serving the public or not. A totalitarian state is one in which civil society is totally absorbed by the state, a state without a public opinion. Boutros Boutros-Gali (1992) gave clarity and coherence to the concept of peace building when he defined it as Action to identify and support structures which will tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid relapse into conflict and, rebuilding institutions and infrastructures of nations torn by civil war and strife (and tackling the deepest causes of) economic despair, social injustice and oppression. Inscribed in Willshers comment about his role as a journalist is an assumption about media influence which has also come to be known as the CNN effect -so called after the first Gulf War when the UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali said: We say we have 16 members in the Security Council: the 15 members plus CNN (Boutros Ghali, 1995). The proposition is that todays global media have grown so mighty as to be able to raise issues to the political agenda by their own efforts; issues which would otherwise hold little or no interest for the powers-that-be. In summary, the influence of the media on society has attracted international agencies closely involved in peace-building since the early 1990s (Ross, 2002). The media can contribute to peace, by engaging in credible reporting, representing balanced opinions in its editorial content, and opening up communication channels among parties in a conflict. It can also identify and articulate without bias the underlying interests of warring factions. By doing so, the media is capable of disseminating information that builds on the confidence of stakeholders in a conflict. 2.2.1 The CNN Effect The Harvard University Joan Shorenstein Center for Press, Politics and Public Policy has been instrumental in examining media effects. Steven Livingston, a leading CNN Effect researcher and associate professor of communication and international affairs at The George Washington University, along with his colleagues at Harvard, identified three conceptual variations surrounding the CNN Effect: the notion that media serves as an agenda-setting agency, that the media serves as an impediment in some cases and that the media facilitates a more accelerated public policy process (1997). The CNN Effect by definition is the

Wednesday, November 13, 2019

Images, Imagery, Symbols, and Symbolism in Macbeth Essay -- Macbeth es

Imagery and Symbolism in Macbeth   Ã‚  Ã‚   In Macbeth, William Shakespeare uses extensive imagery and symbolism throughout the course of his play.   Shakespeare uses this imagery and symbolism so that the reader may gain a deeper understanding and feeling for the happenings of this tragedy.   This is further demonstrated by Shakespeare's use of darkness in Macbeth.   As one of the more noticeable and important symbols, darkness represents many different elements in the play.   First and foremost, darkness is related to sleep;   sleep implies both night, a time of darkness, and a personal darkness when one's eyes are closed.    The first scene which alludes to darkness is Act I, Scene II where the bloody sergeant has just returned from the battle with Macbeth against Macdonwald.   He states, "Shipwrecking storms and direful thunders break."   This simple phrase not only foreshadows the storm that is to come, but it is in contrast to the current events where Macbeth has heroically defeated Macdonwald and the Thane of Cowder.   It seems that even in this time of success fo...

Monday, November 11, 2019

Effective Leadership Essay

Being an effective leader means learning who you are and what you stand for, and having the courage to act on your values. Moral leadership is quite similar to the concept of servant leadership in that the emphasis and the reward are based in doing for others. A leader serves using an ethical foundation which is then adapted and acted on by followers within the organization. Moral leadership describes how leaders make decisions according to beliefs about right and wrong. A system of morals, or beliefs, is also very personal to leaders. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., displayed courage and moral leadership; Martin Luther King Jr. was born in Atlanta, Georgia, the eldest son of Martin Luther King Sr., a Baptist minister and Alberta Williams King. King attended local segregated public school. He entered Morehouse College at the age of 15 and graduated with a bachelor’s degree in sociology in 1948. After graduating with honors from Crozer Theological Seminary in Pennsylvania in 1951, he went to Boston University where he earned a doctoral degree in systematic theology in 1955. Throughout his education, King was exposed to influences that related Christian theology to the struggles of oppressed people. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., operated on moral leadership, distinguishing right from wrong and doing right, seeking the just, the honest, the good, and the right conduct in achieving goals and fulfilling purpose. In May of 1963, Martin Luther King Jr., and his Southern Christian Leadership Conference staff escalated anti-segregation marches in Birmingham by encouraging teenagers and school children to join. Hundreds of singing children filled the streets of downtown Birmingham, angering Sheriff Bull Connor, who sent police officers with attack dogs and firefighters with high-pressure water hoses against the marchers. Scenes of young protesters being attacked by dogs and pinned against buildings by torrents of water from fire hoses were shown in newspapers and television around the world. During the demonstration, King was arrested and sent to jail. He wrote a letter from his jail cell to local clergymen who had criticized him for creating disorder in the city. His â€Å"Letter from Birmingham City Jail† which argued that individuals had the moral right and responsibility to disobey unjust laws, was widely read at the time and added to King’s standing as a moral leader. The demonstration forced white leaders to negotiate and end some form of segregation in Birmingham. Even more important, the protest encouraged many Americans to support national legislation against segregation. Martin Luther King Jr. and other black leaders organized the 1963 March on Washington, a massive protest in Washington, D.C, for jobs and civil rights. On August 28, 1963, King delivered the keynote address to an audience of more than 200,000 civil rights supporters. His â€Å"I Have a Dream† speech expressed the hopes of the Civil Rights Movement in oratory as moving as any in American history: â€Å" I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: â€Å" We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. â€Å" I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character†. The speech and the march built on the Birmingham demonstration to create the political momentum that resulted in the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibited segregation in public accommodations, as well as discrimination in education and employment. As a result of King’s effectiveness as a leader of the American Civil rights Movement and his highly visible moral and courage stance he was awarded the 1964 Nobel Prize for peace.

Friday, November 8, 2019

Ground Level Ozone Regulations Essays - Smog, Environment

Ground Level Ozone Regulations Essays - Smog, Environment Ground Level Ozone Regulations What: In 1997 the Environmental Protection Agency(EPA) established new ozone standards. The EPA also placed special restrictions on twenty-two states in the Ohio Valley and Midwest regions to prevent emissions from coal-burning power plants from being carried into the New England States by wind currents. (Tennessee is one of these twenty-two states.) Both of these rulings were recently either struck down or placed on hold by Federal Appeals Courts. Why: The regulations put into place in 1997 by the EPA were more restrictive than the 1990 standards. The regulations limit the amount of ground level ozone and fine particle pollution permitted. Ground level ozone is produced by nitrogen oxide(NOx) which is created by burning fossil fuels. Since gasoline and diesel are both fossil fuels, then NOx is a major component of automobile emissions. Several members of the trucking and fossil fuel industries, as well as members of the twenty-two state region, have challenged the regulations in Federal Court and have been successful in blocking the implementation of the new rules. In the past two months, two separate Federal Court Of Appeals panels have ruled that the EPAs authority to establish clean air standards is not properly delegated by Congress under the Clean Air Act. Therefore, since the EPA is a part of the Executive branch of government and not the Legislative, they have no authority to produce regulations on their own. The plaintiffs in the case also argued that the amount of pollution a person can tolerate has not been established and until it is the EPA should not make the current regulations more restrictive. How: The main actors in this event are the American Trucking Associations and their fellow plaintiffs, the twenty-two state coalition, the EPA, and the Federal Appeals Court. Why would the American Trucking Associations and other fossil fuel burning industries want to limit the EPAs authority? What do they have to gain? Last year, according to the EPAs own press release detailing their enforcement efforts in fiscal year 1998, the EPA referred 266 criminal cases to the Department of Justice, as well as 411 civil court cases. Approximately half of the civil cases required violators to change the way they manage their facilities or to reduce their emissions or discharges. The EPA also assessed almost $93 million dollars in criminal fines and another $92 million in civil penalties. In addition to fines and penalties, polluters spent over $2 billion dollars to correct violations. Not included in this estimate would be the legal expenses incurred or the advertising and marketing costs required to mend a damaged pubic relations image. Clearly it is in the industries best financial interest if the regulations are less restrictive. Many companies that spent large amounts of money to meet the 1990 Clean Air Act standards would have to spend even more to meet the amended 1997 standards. Do the states in the twenty-two state region have another reason to argue against the standards? According to Sean Cavanaghs article in the April 4, 1999 edition of the Chattanooga Times/Free Press, Atlanta lost $700 million in federal roads money as a result of failing to come up with a pollution containment plan. In addition, the state of Georgia had to fund a state superagency to develop and enforce transit plans that meet federal standards. The states joined the industrial groups in claiming that the new standards are too strict and are unnecessary. Chattanooga is not expected to meet the new requirements by the year 2000 deadline and Chattanooga Mayor Kensey and Tennessee Governor Sundquist were two of the public officials who protested the new standards as being too strict. Are the new standards too strict? How does the EPA determine the required levels? According to the press release issued by the EPA following the courts decision, the Federal Courts are not questioning the science and process conducted by the EPA justifying the setting of new, more protective standards. The EPA claims that their standards, which are designed to limit the affects that smog and soot have on people with respiratory problems, protect 125 million Americans including 35 million children. The Federal Courts only have issue with the constitutionality of certain parts of the Clean Air Act that allow the EPA to establish clean air regulations in the interest of public health. The EPA is recommending that the Department of Justice appeal the ruling to the US Supreme Court. Several interest groups are closely watching the case. The powerful industrial and truckers lobby groups are supporting the plaintiffs, while several environmental lobby groups and health associations, such as the American Lung Association, are supporting the EPAs efforts.

Wednesday, November 6, 2019

Are Freuds Theories Of The Oral And Anal Personalities Like essays

Are Freud's Theories Of The Oral And Anal Personalities Like essays This question immediately raises the problem, "how are we to determine which parts of Freudian theory are 'good'?" Freud may well have argued that the evidence he documented from his psychotherapy sessions was sufficient, whilst behaviourists would demand that the various aspects of a theory could only be recognised as 'good' after being exposed to the full rigours of the scientific method. I personally don't feel that one can hope to design a repeatable experiment that will decisively illustrate the existence of, for example, the Oedipus complex. On the other hand I feel that we cannot simply accept a theory that has been moulded to fit a certain experimenters observations, coloured as they must be by their own personality, prejudices, and society. Therefore in this essay I will examine the empirical evidence from studies conducted on these most controversial of Freud's theories, and where that evidence appears on balance to give support to that particular theory, I will accept it a s 'good'. As I said earlier some will regard this measure of worth as too lax to be of any use, whilst others will object to the application of science to the process of personality development, a process that is infinitely complex and unique, and so beyond science. Freud's theories of the oral and anal personality are centred around the idea that the infant is able to experience sexual sensations, and that the basis for these sensations changes during early development. If an infant is over or under stimulated during one of these stages fixation will occur, and certain personality traits will develop. The oral personality, according to Kline (1984) consists of two not entirely opposed constellations of traits, the optimistic oral, associated with late weaning, and the pessimistic oral, associated with early weaning. As both situations cause fixation at the oral stage, many traits are common to both types. Goldman-Eisler (1951) conducted a study, th...

Monday, November 4, 2019

NIH and WebMD Websites Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

NIH and WebMD Websites - Essay Example The secondary audience for NIH could include NIH employees, the general public including young and old people who have the ability to read. Medical students and individuals seeking administrative work, fellowship programs, and executive careers among others may also find information on NIH website useful. Partaking in NIH’s clinical trials is also eligible to people of any age irrespective of their health status. Practicing medical experts and fitness specialists may also use WebMD when peer reviewing some of the medical and fitness information contained on the website. Additionally, health communication specialists and bloggers of health issues may also use the website as a reference when reporting on different medical conditions. This is because the website contains diverse range of health related information. Both NIH and WebMD use claims in striking rapport with their primary audience.  NIH, for instance, claims to be America’s leading supporter of medical researc h that transforms discovery into health. NIH’s mission is an example of logos that appeal to its primary user’s logical reasoning on the benefits on research on health. In addition, the website establishes a connection with the audience through social media sites such as Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter blog as well as through their email and RSS feeds. Additionally, information links and navigational bar on the homepage is conspicuously designed for users’ ease of specific information search within the website.

Friday, November 1, 2019

History Midterm Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

History Midterm - Essay Example causes, influencing factors, and the events that led to the French revolution, critical differences in the arguments presented have been realized year to year. Edmund Burke cannot hide the hatred he harbored for France1. To Burke, the French revolution was set to be a total failure, and one that could see France move down the ladder in terms of social, economic, and political performance. Another person that closely moved towards this viewpoint is Alexis de Tocqueville. Alexis associated the French Revolution with some negativity across social, economic, political, and religious concerns2. Arguments and counterarguments on French revolution draw myriad claims as to what exactly the revolution was set to achieve. The anticipated ruins that the French revolution was set to realize did not come short of the expectations. If anything, these expectations were way much surpassed. In this respect, the concerns, arguments, and analysis of the situation were not expected to match or relate in any way. While some parties present before, during, and after the revolution felt that the revolution was actually set for a fundamental course, others felt that it was primarily destructive altogether. On the same note, personalities linked to the revolution had their personal issues and concerns to deal with in relation to the French revolution. All these combined brought for the discussions, debates, claims, and arguments made by Edmund Burke, Thomas Paine, Alexis de Tocqueville and Napoleon Bonaparte among others. On his part, Thomas Paine was concerned about the uncertainty that surrounded the whole revolution process. It is important to highlight that French lasted for up to ten years, a period within which predetermining the upheavals involved would be critically uncertain. Most importantly, Paine focused on the actual aftermath of the French revolution on the society, religion, economy, and politics in France and all other nations that felt its impacts. On the other hand,